X LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 

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011 898 737 8 



J 



I 

AN APPEAL 



E 445 
.12 B6 
Copy 1 



I 



TO THE 



People of Illinois 



ON THE 



QUESTION 



OF A 



CONVENTION 



By morris BIRKBECK 



Renrinted from a copy in the Boston Athenaeum by the courtesy of 
Kepnntea irom i yy^ ^ ^ Bolton, Librarian. 

Bee Bil^Oi^pliy 
Page 21 -»S 



SHAWJfEETOWJ^: 

PRINTED BY C. JONES, JULY, 1823 



AN APPEAL 



TO THE 



People of Illinois 



ON THE 



QUESTION 



OF A 



CONVENTION 



By morris BIRKBECK 



Reprinted from a copy in the Bdstciii All:enaeuni by the courtesy of 
Mr. C. I\ . Bolton, Librarian. 



SHAWMEETOWM: 

PRINTED BV C. JONES, JULY, 1823 



1% Bfr 



i^ 



\j. \^ . ^vwaJCM- 



AN APPEAL ON THE QUESTION OF A 
CONVENTION. 



(By Morris Birkbeck.) 

Fellow Citizens— The framers of our social compact, profiting by 
the experience of all nations, to secure from light and capricious 
changes those institutions of government, which, on account of their 
superior iuiDortance. are coupled with first principles and embodied 
in the constitution, did most wisely ordain that a solemn measure of a 
convention should not be proposed to the people by any authority 
short of a majority of two-thirds of the general assembly. We are 
invited to vote on this subject, at the next election, by a very different 
sort of majority from that intended by the constitution, and framed 
after a new fashion, which it will be right for us to examine before we 
give it our countenance. The history of the business appears to be, 
shortly, this: 

Certain members of that body, anxious to introduce a forbidden 
system amongst us. formed themselves into a junto or caucus soon 
alter the commencement of the session, and offered to other members 
their votes in favor of any proposition which those members had an 
interest in carrying, in consideration of their pledging themselves to 
support the measure of a convention. By the accession of these, 
their first victims, the caucus became, in fact, the legislature, as, by 
comprising a majority of both houses, it was capable of carrying every 
question, that one excepted. Others of your representatives, who had 
not, as yet, bartered away their independence, soon discovered that 
they were completely at the mercy of the junto; and, in order to re- 
cover the means of serving their constituents on those points of local 
interest, which, when combined, form the general weal, suffered them- 
selves, one by one, to be brought over, until the faction had acquired 
nearly two-thirds of the whole number of votes, the strength requisite 
for carrying their favorite measure — without the accomplishment of 
which, they declared, they would not quit Vandalia. 

They repeatedly tried their strength by preparatory resolutions, 
and at length, on the fifth of February, brought forward the main 
question, but it was decided against them by a majority of two. They 
were not. however, to be so baffled; they carried a vote of re-consid- 
eration, and the resolution was laid upon the table. 

On the eleventh of February, having gained over the deficient votes 
by means which it might seem invidious to detail, the resolution was 



again brought forward, and agaiu lost through the defection of a 
member, who, on the former occasion, had voted for it. Notwith- 
standing this second decision, they i)ersevered in their purpose. 

One of the party, although in the constitutional minority on the 
last division, again moved a reconsideration of the question. The 
speaker declared the motion to be out of order, because the mover was 
m the minority. They attempted to over-rule the decision of the 
speaker, by an appeal to the house, but the chair was supported by a 
majority of three. 

Here, it might be supposed, the (pn-stion was tinallv decided, and 
would have been allowed to rest; but it proved otherwise. On the 
succeeding day the rote coujirmiiuj the sjx'aker's decision iras reversed, 
and the motion for re-consideration, made by one of the minority! 
carried: and to extinguish the vote of the defaulter, and create a favor- 
able one in the room of it, as no such vote could be found in the 
house, they had recourse to a proceeding the most unjust, and im- 
pudently tyrannical, that ever, as I believe, disgraced the legislature 
of a free country: By an arbitrary resolution, in direct violation of 
law, they expelled one of your representatives, who had been estab- 
lished in his seat by the decision of the liouse, and introduced in his 
room, a man favorable to their views, who had been declared, by the 
same decision, not to be a representative. Having accomplished' this, 
they brought forward the main cpiestion the tliird timv.nnd carried it 
by the vote of this man, whom they created a member for the express 
purpose, at the close of the session. 

Now, fellow citizens! I ask you how yon feel under this sort of 
legislation? and the reply I seem to hear, from one end of the State 
to the other, is this: "We have been insulted and abused by a base 
faction: but, unless it be by the appointment of such men for our 
representatives, we are not, as yet, degraded. The infamy rests, at 
present, on the heads of these persons— and there let it remain! If 
we should give our sanction to their conduct, by voting for a conven- 
tion, at their instigation— th(>n. indeed, would disgrace cover the 
country, and to be a citizen of Illinois will be no honorable distinc- 
tion.'" 

This cjuestion iuiving bi-en thus forced upon the people, in defiance 
of law and constitution, our course, in regard to it, is plain: \\V 
must, on th<^ present occasion, vote against a convention, or become 
accomplices in these nefarious doings. There are. no doubt, various 
particulars in our institutions which retiuire amendment, as. in the 
early stages of a government, will naturally be \\\v case. Tt is new. 
and has hardly had a fair trial. At a jjrojH'r season, when our honest 
re])resentatives. after due deliberation, shall, by a constitutional ma- 
jority, have resolved to i)ropose it to us. let us tlien have a conven- 
tion. The defects of the present system arc not of a nature so urgent 
as to forbid a short delay, and we shall be better (|ualitied Cor a re- 
vision of the constitution from longer experience. A i-liaiii,^" in the 
county commissioners" courts the removal of the seat of government. 
and aunnal sessions of the legislature are. I believe, the chief 
ameudnu'uts talked of. 1 1' I he oi)j.'ct ions to the thing, as noir pro- 
posed, had no existence, it would lie well for us to count the cost of a 



convention, and to consider, if, in the exhausted, and more than ex- 
hausted, the insolvent, state of the treasury, it would be discreet to 
add that expense to our present pecuniary embarrassment, in a tew 
years it is probable we may better atford it; but, just now, the charge 
of the remedy, I do think, would be felt by the people a greater griev- 
ance than all the diseases complained of. 

But the disease in the legislature demands our immediate atten- 
tion; for there the interests of the public have been bought an(l sold 
in the face of day; the law of elections, and the established rules ot 
leoislative proceedings, have been set at nought, in order to thrust 
tliis question upon us, Such a scene of base intrigue was never be- 
fore exhibited under a representative government, as prevailed at 
Vandalia through the last session. . 

It cannot be for the interest or the honour of the citizens ot Illinois 
that their affairs should be so conducted. Even if the object were 
beneficial, and should accord with our wishes, to receive it through so 
impure a channel, would be unworthy of republicans. When we 
require a convention, we can have one, according to the constitution, 
through a sound and respectable legislature. We are not reduced to 
the humiliation of obtaining it by intrigue and chicanery, or otaccept- 
ino- it from hands which have violated our rights m the legislative 
assembly, their proper sanctuary! Though nugatory m point of law, 
as having been illegally and corruptly carried, this measure will be- 
come a p^recedent for similar abuses, if it receive the sanction ot the 
people Should the mines of Golconda be offered to us on these 
terms, we should reject the otter with disdain. Such are. or ought to 
be, our reflections at this important crisis. . 

Injustice, committed by a private citizen, is bounded m its mis 
chief by the nature of the act, and the perpetrator, being an object ot 
contempt, is not likely to prejudice public morals by the influence of 
example. Enormities are committed by despots m the wantonness ot 
power and the people submit until they acquire the means ot aveng- 
ino- themselves; but, as they detest the tyrant, and abhor tyranny, 
thSir sense of right may not be vitiated by the crimes of their rulers. 
But when a domineering faction, in a representative government, 
commits injustice, covering its deeds with the forms ol: legal enact- 
ment a people, conscious of these proceedings, and submitting to 
them because they may chance to accord with their inclination or sup- 
posed interest, bows its neck to the yoke, and is unworthy to rank 
anions republicans ;-because. from that time, their government ceases 
to be a representative government. One faction, having accomplished 
its purpose gives place to another, and that to a third- until it sinks 
into despotism of the meanest character; a tyranny of knaves, without 
honour or principle, or public spirit! What that is worth preserving 
can remain alive under such a system? i . •. 

-The end justifies the means," say these lawless politicians, but it 
is a villainous plea, and would end in the destruction of our lil)erties 
Would to heaven flint were aP the end they aim at! lo it we shouk 
soon apply a remedy. Slavery is their avowed ob.iect-- accursed 
slavery! Doubly accursed— in those who inflict it, and in its miser- 
able victims! Whcm once introduced, for this, no remedy would be 



6 

found. My f(.llow citizens! for the sake of ourposterity-in thename 
of religion, m he name of jirtue-I implore yiu to aJt uprighdy at 
the ensuing election: Ld us save our country! not from th? evil of 
political corniption merely, but from this, the concentration of all the 
evils which afflict humanity. 

It is to you who have expended your labor and capital on permanent 
improvements, and considered yourselves settled for life in this State 
with your families around you-that I have appealed thus earnestlv,' 
and I trust not m vain. There are others, and these form a laiw 
majority of the advocates of this scheme, who, like birds of passac^e 
belonging to no country in particular, look onlv to the interest of the 
moment, and are prepared to vote for a convention as an inh-t to 
slavery under the notion that it might advance the price of land, and 
enable them to sell their farms to advantage, and move off And 
there are persons- as I have heard with sorrow and indi-nation- 
whose talents and standing entitle them to consideration.' who are 
availing themselves of this topic, so important to our future well- 
fjifivTYVr ''" '^"-i^V'' of temporary, party politics.- Supposing 
t.dsely as i believe and hope) that popularity is on thesideof slaveiT 
they take that side, and, regardless of its cahimitous consec.uenc^s 
they can-just to gam an advantage over rivals, who are supportinc^ 
the cause ot freedom-prostitute their influ(>nce to the ruin of their 
country !-Such, I am told, is the position taken by some of the- most 
prominent and zealous supporters of a convention: and thus f.-llou 
citizens, may our dearest interests be trilled with bv disappointed 
ambition, which, unless it c-an govern, will not hesitate to destroy' 

Irom a sentiment of clemency or of kindness. I forbear naniing 
either these indivi<luals. or th.' leaders of the faction in the legisla" 
ture 1 arraign their proceedings at the bar of the jmblic: but mv 
controversy is with the measures, not with the men. This pamplil,.{ 
should It be circulated beyond the S])h(>re of our contest, or survive its 
decision, shall not be the instrument of stamping with i-nominv the 
memory ot any of my fellow citiz.'us. There may be extenuatin- cir 
cumstances- infirmity of judgn.ent, .leeplv-roote'd jm-judice. human 
weakness, m short, of various shajx's. moral and intellectual, to '^ave 
troin absohite baseness of infention the proj.-ctors of enormous mis- 
chief. It is enough for us to see the actions in their true character- 
we will leave the agents to settle the account of motivi's with their 
own conscience, and proceed to consider what would l)e the conse 
({uences of their success. 

In regard to the price of land, no ad vantai;.' n,nl,l msuv from the 
admission of slavery. Von might op(.n the mark.-t to purchast-rs from 
the slave states. I. lit. by so doing, you would exclude all from every 
state and every country who are avers(> to slaverv. Th.- owners of 
negroes, who may be inclined to change their abode, jn.ve .stro.urer 
indm-ements towards the southern states of Alabama. Misssisii)])i ,"11,1 
Louisiana than to ours. This is confirmed l)v the exjierienrv of Mis 
souri where the pile,, of |;,,id is saidtobeeveii lower than with us 
and the diHuMilty of s,.nin- at least e,,nal. The want of money also 
l)revails e(|ually m ihr nci-hbotirin-: sl;i\ v slatrs. .md is ..nite suffi " 
cient to prevent the s,d.- of tli.Mr<.wn lands, which is nrccssarv in 



the tirst place, to enable them to remove at all. It is vain, therefore, 
to look to that quarter for many buyers; and it would surely be im- 
politick to confine the market to a class of purchasers who have not 
the means of purchasing, and if they had the means would not bring 
them to us, but would carry them farther south. 

The exclusion of every other class for the sake of those who have 
neither the ability nor the inclination to buy, absurd as it would be, 
is not the only evil: Many more estates would immediately be offered 
for sale, so as to add to the glut in the market. For numbers, who 
had, as they hoped, made permanent homes for themselves and their 
families in this State, would hasten away at the approach of slavery, 
disposing of their property under every disadvantage; and thus, more 
sellers than buyers being created by this calamitous and foolish 
measure, the price of land would fall even below its i^resent rate. 

Let us now turn our thoughts to those who would be excluded by 
slavery, and we shall discover that they are far more numerous than 
those whom it would invite. 

Multitudes of the farming class, and others, in the old countries of 
Europe, (from whence we all derive our origin) are at this time 
driven by hard necessity to seek new homes. Their attention is 
drawn in a particular manner towards this State, as that section of 
the Union best adapted to their views and habits. It has been repre- 
sented to them, and they look to it as a land of freedom ; but if we 
make it a land of slaves they will not come here. " No matter " you 
may reply, "we want no English, or Scotch, or Irish, or Dutch set- 
tlers." But remember, they will bring capiidl; the farmers will buy 
your land, if you are disposed to sell. Those of other classes will 
establish manufactures and create a market for produce; and in diie 
time they will all become, with their children after them, as you are, 
American Citizens. A numerous class of purchasers from'the eastern 
states, who are beginning to form a just estimate of the advan- 
tages of our prairie country, would also be excluded, as well as the 
friends of freedom in the slave states, numbers of whom would be 
likely to settle here if we retain our integrity. 

Thus it is clear that the admission of slavery would operate most 
powerfully against that very interest which is a leading object with a 
majority of its advocates. It would throw many more farms on the 
market, and diminish instead of increasing the number of buyers. 

But you, who have at heart the future prosperity of the State, as 
well as the interest of the present hour, let me entreat you to pause,^ 
and direct your views a little forward, before you allow temporary 
motives to bias your judgment towards any measure which may 
favor the admission of slavery into our republic. 

Consider, that however small in number and con+emptible in 
moral or physical power the negroes might be at their first introduc- 
tion, they would increase in the natural course of popiilation and by 
the accession of fresh supplies, in a much higher ratio than the 
whites; so that in a limited period they wonld become in our repub- 
lican Illinois, tlie mani/ who are doomed to labor for the few. 

Between these two classes, under the most despotick governments, 
excluding slavery, there may and do exist various strong ties of a 



8 

political and social nature. They slide into each other by insensible 
gradations, forming no line of absolute demarkation. They hav(> 
sundry common interests. They have family connections. Indivi- 
duals are perpetually changing positions; the high are reduced by 
extravagance or misfortune; the low advance themselves by industry 
and enterprise. Therefore these classes are not naturally and of 
necessity hostile to each other. In peace they are friends, and fellow- 
soldiers in war. 

But in a nation composed ot free irliifes and najro sicu'es. society. 
if it may be called such, is in a most deplorable condition. One jjor- 
tion of the people is separated from the other by an impassable 
barrier, in regard to all that binds man to man in social fellowship. 
They must not eat together, or pray together! There are no inter- 
marriages. There is no change of position producing a common 
sympathy. One class possesses — all; the other — nothing. The laws are 
made by one class and only known to the other by their partial 
severity. It is not a republic — this: it is a confederacy of tyrants, 
pure aristocratical despotism! 

We may transfer the labors of cultivation to negroes, but there is a 
toil far more severe than the cultivation of the soil, commencing 
from the moment of their introduction, from which slavery cannot 
relieve us — the toil of protecting the morals of our youths from con- 
tamination and our persons and pro^jerty from naturfd and deadly 
foes, whom we admit into the heart of our concerns. We can transfer 
no part of this to the negroes. It will be all our own! It will "grow 
with their growth and strengthen with their strength" until at length 
even ///e//" condition may be enviable in comparison with onrs. These 
are evils we cannot escape or mitigate: an incurable and increasing 
plague, in exchange for virtue, peace and security, which no accumu- 
lation of jaroperty can ever oompensate. 

Consider the actual condition of the older slave states. South 
Carolina has ]ust escaped a dreadful catastropht>: \'irginia a few 
years ago also escaped. But the tire is still there, though smothered 
for a time under the ashes of former conflagrations. The sword re- 
mains over tiieir heads, sus[)ended by a single iiair! Of this they 
are sensible; witness their painful precautions: the laws against educa- 
tion of slaves: the arms and barricaded dwellings; witness the nightly 
patroles, ])ervading the comifry like an immense cainj). A dreadful 
inheritance is slavery — even for those who inflict it! 

There is no need to expatiate on the evils of slavery; tliey are too 
well understood in this country to recpiire description. We all know 
— its advocates themselves know that it (•()ini)rehends every shade 
of crime, every di'gree of misery! And shall we. the free citizens of 
Illinois, hold forth our arms to embrace tliis monster? Shall we 
/»r/7r slavery with its train of crinu's and ciilamities. and leave it a 
curse to our posterity, for the sake of ;i little coiiveTiii-nce a little 
temporary, precarious profit? 

If such be the case, as stated alioM'. where sl.ixtiy li.is been estab- 
lished as to have become like the natural order of things, here, on its 
/o?7V'f/ introduction, oui- condition would be still more ditiicult and 
ilaiiu'erous. 



The slave holders of Illinois, would suffer under the increasing 
consciousness that their lands were cultivated and their families sur- 
rounded, not by free and happy dependents, partaking of the general 
prosperity, but by degraded creatures, prone to theft and perhaps 
plotting their destruction. This, they M'ould suffer, in common with 
others." But the unspeakable abhorrence in which slavery is held by 
a great proportion of their fellow citizens, who took refuge in this 
state as an asylum from that calamity, would render it impossible to 
carry into effect the brutalizing system by which alone these devoted 
beings are kept down when their numbers become considerable. 

Having founded our constitution on the inalienable rights of man. 
and entered into a compact with each other and with the general 1 
government that slavery shall not hereafter be introduced, it will be 
"vain to urge its legality, although a short-sighted majority should ob- 
tain its admission. As well might they legalize robbery and murder. 
Its introduction would always be felt l)y a very large part of the 
community as an invasion of their rights: they would view it as it 
stalked through the land, with a horror and impatient loathing as they 
would the intrusion of an armed foe. ISlo laws on the subject could 
assuage the sense of injury in the minds of those jjersons, or repress 
the indignation they would experience on beholding their fellow 
creatiires — bought and sold and trampled upon; no fears, as to conse- 
quences, could restrain them from the expression of their sentiments. 
Hence perpetual animosities and hatred would prevail between 
neighbours, destroying all social enjoyment, and that fellow feeling 
among the citizens which is essential to the general happiness and 
prosperity, would cease forever. 

A people, on assuming the exercises of its rights, may discover 
icrongs in its old institutions which it cannot redress without the haz- 
ard of still greater: or, the influence of custom, or of avarice, or of 
ignorance in a portion of the community, may x^revent it. 

Thus it was with the colonies on their emancipation from Great 
Britain. Among the institutions of their society there existed a sy.s- 
tem of wrong, yK\\\c\\. for some, or all of the causes above assigned, 
was not redressed. That system was slavery. It was not actually 
tolerated by the constitution, or meant to be. as no exception in its 
favor appears. The evil was suffered to exist, hccaiise if could not be 
destroyed. 

Under the sacred transcript of universal rights on which the people 
of the United States founded their constitution, if it had not pre- 
existed in the community, it could not have been introduced: they 
could not have created slavery: nor can the people of Illinois crecde 
it for the same reason. 

It is, moreover, expressly prohibited in this State, not only by our 
own comi^act above alluded to, but by the ordinance of Congress pro- 
viding against its introduction into the North Western Territory or 
the states formed therefrom: which ordinance is the supreme law of 
the land, according to article (i of the constitution of the United 
States which is as follows: 

"T/r/.s constitution and laivs of the United States which shall he 
made in pursuance thereof and all trecdies made or ichich sliall he 



10 

made under the autlioritij of the Unifed States sAaZ/ he the supreme 
law of til e land, and the judges in every state shall he bound tJiereby, 
anijtJiing m the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary 
uothivith standing''' 

Those who settled in Illinois, before it became u State, received ;i 
pledge from the Congress of the L'nited States, in the ordinance of 
17S7, that slavery could not be introduced. \Yhen the constitution, 
in conformity with the ordinance, was accepted on that condition, 
others, in great numbers, repaired to this as a free State, and estab- 
lished themselves in it with entire confidence. They had selected for 
their abode, a country free, as they thought, from the pollution of 
slavery and by its constitution ever to remain so. 

With this calamity, under which their existence would be a burthen, 
they are now^ threatened, and the mere apprehension throws a gloom 
over their prospects. What can the advocates of slavery gain by its 
introduction, to put in competition with the evil and injustice they 
would inflict upon these, their fellow citizens? 

And is there, then, nothing fixed, nothing sc^cure, in the foundation 
of our social compact? The blessings promised by a free constitu- 
tion, can they be taken from us and the greatest of curses given in 
their room, because jjur-blind avarice may have gained a temporary 
ascendancy? Were it an affair of interest merely, how opposite so- 
ever to my judgment, it might take its course. Having stated my 
opinion I could submit in tranquility. But there are princijiles too 
sacred to be infringed even Ijy a majority, on the plea of interest, or 
on any plea; and this is such a principle. To (dter and amcud the 
provisions of the constitution, is and ought to be the work of the 
majority, but not to desfi'oy it. 

We are a society of free men: Our fundamental laws know no 
such being as a slave. In this State, every inhabitant is free hif 
rigid, derived from a power paramount to all majorities. Freedom is 
the basis of our social compact; a majority can regulate the institu- 
tions founded on this basis, but the basis itself is impregnable. 
Necessity, "the tyrant's plea."" in those states where slavery is estab- 
lished, supports the distinction of freeman and slave, a distinction 
abhorrent to reason, to religion, and to nature! Here wi' have no 
such ])lea. and our constitution admits no such distinction. If a ma- 
jority have th(^ power of affixing tlie brand of slavery on one i)ortioii 
of the community, where is the limit of this i)Ower? What jjortion 
is safe? What security remains for you or for me, it we chanci' to be 
in the minority? 

I trust, fellow citizens. I am not mistaken in my estimate of your 
general good s(Mise and lionorabU^ feeling, l^ut if those persons 
whose proceedings in the legislature have caused this alarm, an*, in 
fact, a re])resentation of the majority, the friends of fret dom haveyi't 
a strong hold in the vast majority of the people of the I'nited States, 
of wiiicli we form a comi)arat ively insigiiiUcaiit portion To this 
great and enlightened community we have our linal ai)|ieal: and if. 
to the indeliltle disuivice of this government, such an appeal should 
be necessar\. it iinisl he ef/'ccliud. In addressing yon. I s])eak as a 
citizen of this pai'ticnlar section, coiitining my view to onrown projx'r 



11 

duty as regards this question. We are also citizens of the United 
States, and, in that capacity, have our share in the compact between 
Congress and this State, at its admission, I refrain from discussing 
the validity of that instrmnent, in regard to both the contracting 
parties, not from the smallest doubt on the subject, but because it is 
for us to do our own business, and render a recourse to it unnecessary. 

The annals of the republick afford no precedent of a people degrad- 
ing themselves by reverting to slavery; a system which is the abhor- 
rence of the civilized world, and acknowledged, by all, to be the bane 
of national prosperity and private happiness. In other states, the 
changes which have taken place have been on the side of freedom. 
And shall we, young as we are, cause the only blot, the only blurred 
Ijage in the history of the I'nion? 

Take a view of the states which have emancijiated themselves, and 
comi^are them with the slave states : Look at the state of Ohio, and 
compare it with Kentucky. Here are experiments on a large scale 
for our instruction, so uniforndy decisive against slavery, that, if it 
were an att'air of simple calculation, a question of political arithmetick 
merely, common sense would teach us to reject it. 

How the man of small property fares in a slave state 1 cannot de- 
scribe from personal observation, but I have learned so much on the 
subject from those who have experienced it, that I presume no poor 
man of sound judgment and independent spirit cxm desire the intro- 
duction of slavery. To labour for his living among slaves, or to 
labour at all where the idea of slavery is so blended with labour as to 
communicate to it something of disgrace, would be a sad exchange to 
a very large portion of the citizens of this State, where labour is, as it 
ought to be, in high and honourable estimation, and the sure road to 
independence. 1 have heard that the condition of the poorer de- 
scription of citizens in slave states is truly miserable: they are com- 
pelled to undergo mucli painful and degrading service in keeping 
down the slaves, for their wealthy neighbors, who form a sort of upper 
class — a set of lordly personages, who assume considerable state, and 
look down upon the industrious man who earns his living by the 
sweat of his brow. — And a poor living it is that can be earned in a 
slave country: -for, although it is demonstrable that slave labour is 
dearer, all things considered, than the labour of freemen, yet, where 
the former prevails, the latter is not in request; — so that, unless in 
the pitiful office of overseer or negro driver, the free labourer has not 
much chance of employment. Fellow citizens! you will reflect seri- 
ously on these things, and vote accordingly. 

Let us now compare the actual wealth of a free stale with that of a 
slave state, containing the same number of inhabitants, and possess- 
ing equal capital. Suppose the number to be 200.000, and half the 
popTilation of the latter to be slaves. One hundred thousand negroes 
would be the first line of the account of national wealth witli the 
advocate of slavery. His opponent would reply, that, as the wealth 
of a nation consists chiefly in the skill, strength, and industry of its 
productive population, the vahie of those individuals is not increased 
by their being slaves; — that the wealth of the state receives no addi- 
tion in consequence of the productive class being held as the proi)erty 



12 

of the unproductive. But. admitting them to be property, he would 
allege, that one hundred thousand of the citizens in the free state, the 
property of tliemselvcs. are to be considered as wealth to the com- 
munity, equal to the number of negroes in the slave state; and being 
more industrious and efficient as labourers, would place the balance 
greatly in favour of the free state. 

Suppose the capital in each to be forty millions of dollars, it would 
consist, in the slave state, of a population of 100,000 Negroes, of 
all a<J-es. at S200.00 per head ©20, 000. 000 

Other property 20.000,000 

S40,000,000 
In the free state it would consist of the property of 200.000 free 

persons ^ .§40,000.000 

J 00.000 free persons valued at the same rate with 100,000 neg-roes. . 20.000.000 
Extra value of the labour of a free population compared with a 

population of masters and slaves *10,000.000 

$70,000,000 

Thus it appears that, with rtpud capital and population, afreestate 
is nearly twice as wealthy as a slave state. — But. in the materials of 
happiness — in moral riches — in the spirit pervading the community 
how great is the contrast! 

In the land of slaves there is despotic power, engendering pride and 
cruelt;y, fomented by avarice: — There is contempt of labour, encourag- 
ing indolence and its companions, dissipation and profligacy, on the 
one hand: on the other there is brutal ignorance:— human forms, 
stripped of all that is estimable in human character: or. if aught re- 
mains of the nobility of num. it is that incurable hatred: tiiat obsti- 
nacy not to be cont|uered by torture, and that thirst of vengeance. 
— which assume the place of virtue in the bosom of a slave, and con- 
vert him into a demon. 

In the free state, the vices inseparable from tyranny are univnown 
or strangled at their birth; the meanness, or the malignity, produced 
by oppression, have no place there. There man holds his pnjper sta- 
tion; he looks up to no sujjt^rior but in virtue and knowledge — and 
down upon no aliject dependent. • 

The contrast dot's not end here: Moral degradation has its re- 
action, and is not confined to the degraded class. The vices of the 
slave havi' the counterpart in those of the master. The female slaves, 
sunk below liie restraints of moral decorum, and their honour deemed 
l)eneath the cognizance of law. become a nursery of vice in every 
family, and a general dissoluteness of morals is the consequence.— 
On the part of the whites tiiis horror is superadded: they consign the 
fruits of their licentiousness to the miseries of ])erpetual bondage, and 
their own llesli Ix'comes the object of unnatural and unhallowed 
tra flick! 

.\t what degree, on the scale of turpitude, shall we place the man 
who. knowing these things, can be induced by sordid inten^st. to 
l)lace himself and his posterity, his neighbors and his country, in 

*'! Iif (iillcrciiic woiilii 111- iiiiicli tTiMit-r: lic<aiiM' llie l;il)<>iir of the « liili- |ui|)iilatiiin. in a 
slave stale is of little account : Krci- lalionr retires from slavery as silver from a liase lurrencv. 
Tlie overseers ami tlie iniiliitinU' of iloineslic slaves are also to he deducted; ami wliere 
lienroes ar*- miinerons. it is lahoiir eiioiiah for the whites to watch them. 



18 

such a predicament? and, if a vote should carry the question, every 
man who holds up his hand in favor of a convention that should in- 
troduce it, may hereafter consider himself as the author of all the 
miseries and the crimes with which slavery would cover this fair 
portion of the globe. If it fails, as I trust will be the case, he will 
then have to reproach himself with having been a partaker in the 
inic^uity of the design. 

The evils, moral and political, with which our fellow citizens of the 
slave states are afflicted, are not, let us ever bear in mind, of their 
own creation. They were entailed upon them by the ignorance or 
avarice of their i^redecessors, and permitted by the impolicy of the 
British government, which departed from its own principles in its 
coloniariegislation. We now stand, in regard to the state of Illinois, 
in the place of those early settlers of the old states from which the 
curse of slavery has been handed down to posterity, and of that 
government which countenanced its establishment. But there is a 
difference between our position and theirs — in our favor, if we act 
justly, and to our accumulated disgrace, if otherwise. A century of 
bitter experience has exposed the abominations of the practice to 
the whole world; and we cannot now, as they might, avail ourselves 
of the plea of ignorance. In the present day, where is the man who 
will stand up in defence of the principle of slavery V Inured to it by 
education and habit, chained to their slaves as their slaves are 
chained to them, there are many truly respectable persons who yield 
to it as a matter of necessity, from which they see no way of escape, 
and they act as well as they can in their circmnstances. Under the 
shelter of their example, others who are not of that character are 
laboring to spread the evil— and they merit the execration of all 
mankind for the attempt, whether they succeed or not. 

The happiness of the slave, whose good fortune has given him a 
benevolent master, is brought forward in triumphant comparison — 
not with the ha2)2^mess of the freeman— but with his sufferings under 
the scourge of adversity; and we are to admit, from this partial 
and false view of the subject, that slavery is preferable to freedom! 
The man whose heart remains uncorrupted by the possession of ab- 
solute power, is an honor to his kind. A society of such men would 
have little need of the restraints of law and government. But how 
rare is the virtue that is proof against circumstances so predisposing 
and impelling to vice! It raises its possessor greatly above the 
average of his fellows. Happy the slave, if slave he must be. who 
falls into such hands. Man is, however, at best, a frail creature, sub- 
ject to caprice, and liable to error and imposition, and therefore not 
to be trusted so far. He is, moreover, mortal and has not the means 
of transmitting his virtues, together with his slaves, to his descendants. 
How must the hand of the good man tremble, and his heart sink 
within him. when, at the close of his life, he is about to commit to 
the power of a son, the reverse of himself, those defenceless beings 
whom he has soothed by his kindness into a forgetfulness of their 
bondage! Thus is slavery a thing to be rejected even in its mildest 
character. 



14 

Persons who do not defend the principle of slavery, have stated in 
defence of its extension into new countries, that diffusion of the black 
population is a mitigation of the evil. Without examining this 
argument, I shall merely observe, that, whatever may be the value, it 
does not apply to our case: it is not the motive which operates on 
the advocates for slavery in this state, and suppose it were the motive, 
as they have no right to serve others at our expense, it cannot be ad- 
mitted as an apology for the outrage they would inflict on their fellow 
citizens. In the next place, if we admit that diffusion might, in a 
supposed case of crowded population, lessen the immediate pressure, 
that case has not yet been made out. Where slaves are more num- 
erous, I believe they are also at the highest price, and are not, there- 
fore, likely to be transferred to a country where they are of less value. 
In the third place, the new states to the south, with the addition of 
Missouri, besides immense tracts of uncultivated lands in Georgia, 
Kentucky, etc., afford ample scope for the diffusion of slavery, with- 
out breaking faith with the United States and the friends of freedom 
in Illinois, by admitting it here. Therefore the argument, such as it 
is, has no relation to us. Yet, if the scheme of these benevolent 
diffusers of slavery included a plan for its gradual but certain and 
effectual abolition, their proposals would deserve attention. Their 
plan, on the contrary, tends to its indefinite continuance, as well as 
extension. In the licentiousness of assertion, which seems to be in- 
dulged on this subject beyond most others, as is natural where there 
is no basis for sound argument; it is added by reasoners, who ought 
to blush at the absurdity, th;it, irhihf (li(fKsi(»i itu'tigates fite Diiscry 
of sUircs. if does not odd to their nninhev. Are there fewer shives in 
the five old slave-holding states than existed previous to the settle- 
ment of Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Loiiisiana and 
Missouri? Was Eurojje. or even Africa, drained of inhabitants by 
j3eopling America? Those provinces of Spain which contributed 
most to the settlement of South America, increased in population 
beyond the rest of the kingdom. Has not the extension or diffiisioti 
of the general population, from thirteen states to twenty-four, in- 
creased the number of people in this republic? It is a fact estab- 
lished l)y experience that vacancies made by emigration are filled \\\) 
by the stimulus of a more favorable jiroportion between the means of 
subsistence and the number of inhabitants; and whilst a population 
is created in a new country, the old country is relieved — and the 
effect of this relief, in giving a spring to population, is even greater 
than its numerical amount; so that the pari'ut state becomes more 
populous by disseminating her offspring. Slave ])opulation incnvises 
according to the the same law: if diffusion mitigatt'S tiieir sufferings, 
it increases tluMr number, and the room tliey leave fx'hind them is 
soon filled up. as in other cases. 

But such is file criminality of slavery, and so completely has that 
criminality been e.xijosed, that it seems to me fo be incumbent on all 
man-kind who are l)lesse(l with rreedom. to protest against the 
ordinances of tlu' government which tt)li'ratt's it. without providing 
for its al)olition, and to make common cause in favor of their degraded 
l)rethren in every country. T\\v principh^s of universal justice are 



15 



clear, and the duty of resistance to oppression, engraven on every 
heart, is inseparable from the duty of aiding the weak who are unable 
to protect themselves. This would better merit the appellation of a 
Hokj Alliance than a combination of sovereigns in support of Legi- 
timacy. The very principle is now in operation, in regard to the 
African slave trade. Little more than twenty years ago, that com- 
merce was sanctioned by the British government. Fifteen years have 
hardly elapsed since it was tolerated by the United States. It is now 
condemned as piracy by both these governments, and they have 
invited other nations to join them in the employment of force for its 
extirpation. The trade in slaves, in the interior of the United States, 
(in art. 1, sect. 9, of the constitution, veiled under the term "Migra- 
tion,") was, together with the African slave trade, guaranteed against 
Ijrohibition until the year 1808. The latter has been abolished and 
declared a capital offense ; and if the principle and practice of the 
former were examined, they would be found to differ, not at all in 
kind, and but little in enormity. The time surely approaches when 
the virtue and intelligence, diffused through this republick, will no 
longer sustain the inconsistency of tolerating the American slave 
trade, and punishing the African as felony! I crave your indulgence 
for this digression, and shall now draw to a conclusion. 

What think you, fellow citizens, is the compensation proposed by 
the persons who have, at the expense of reputation and integrity, 
made those extraordinary efforts for the admission of slavery? We 
have seen that it cannot favour the sale of land, but will have a con- 
trary effect. We know that the pecuniary distress of the neighbouring 
slave states is greater than ours. Produce is so low as hardly to pay 
the charges of carrying it to market. The demand of the old countries, 
in their present condition, is not equal to the superabundance of the 
new; and forcing cultivation, in the new countries, by the labour of 
slaves, is not likely to mend the matter. The natural and easy reinedy 
for this inconvenience, (to call it an evil would be ingratitude) is, to 
create a market at home, by applying ourselves to manufacture. But 
slavery would increase the oiibarrassvicui, and ohsfrtict the operation 
oftheremed/j. To what motives, then, can their zeal be imputed, 
except the love of arbitrary power, and aversion to industry^ and. 
with a few ambitious characters, political rivalship? 

The following positions have. I think, been fully established: That 
a convention, held in pursuance of the measures described, would be 
unconstitutional and illegal, and therefore of no just authority;— be- 
cause it has not been proposed to the people by a constitutional 
majority of their representatives, but was, on the contrary, twice neg- 
atived by such a majority: 

That the admission of slavery would increase our present difficul- 
ties, by lowering the i)rice of land and produce— and would be destruc- 
tive of the future prosperity of the state, and happiness of the people, 
especially of that very numerous class of citizens who are possessed 
of but small proijerty. antl whose wealth consists in their industry: 

That it cannot be introduced but by breaking down the barriers of 
law and justice — which are. I trust, on too firm a basis to be disturbed 



16 

by the intrigues of a corrupt faction. You will therefore agree with 
me — that we are bound by honour, interest, and duty, to vote, at the 
approaching election, for Xo Convenfkm. 

i was just laying down my pen, when I recollected a strange senti- 
ment entertained by some persons, who, having been brought up 
among slaves, have not reflected much on the nature of true liberty — 
that we are not free, because our constitution prohibits slavery — that 
this county, governed by laws of our own making, where every man, 
unless he be a criminal, is as free as another, is not a free country — 
in tine, that the State of Illinois is not a free state, because we have 
decreed that none but free men shall inhabit it. According to their 
opinion, if part of the people held the other part in bondage, could 
buy and sell them, and goad them to labor like cattle, ihen it would 
be a free country. But freedom, if it exists in reality, extends to all 
— it is the right to do every thing but injury, and the enjoyment of 
protection from being injured. Without this restraint, on the one 
hand, and the protection on the other, liberty is an empty sound. 
Difference of color makes no difference in the nature of opi^ression, 
or in the crime of inflicting it; and that only is a free country where 
every man in it is protected from oppression. 

In this happy and most honourable condition, of equal freedom and 
protection, we, the citizens of Illinois, now stand. It is the first rank 
of human society — the last and meanest is that of ma^iier and shirr, 
to which the transactions of an unconstitutional majority are inf ended 
to degrade us. For myself I submit to no such huuuliation. To me 
and mine the entrance of slavery would be the signal of departure, 
and to many otliers. It "would be a sentence of l)anishment to us, of 
exclusion to countless thousands, and. to those who remain, of 
irretrievable debasement. 

To ward off this most calamitous result. I confide, fellow citizens, 
in your integrity and good sense: for I think you will, on considering 
the subject, join me in opinion that the principles of justice and hu- 
manity, in this case as in all others, are the principles of wisdom — 
and that cold-hearted, selfish politicians are the greatest fools upon 
earth. M. Bibkbeck. 



Postscript. 

At sun-nse on this Fourth of -luly. 1^'2'A. when the prairies and the 
woods are resounding witii peals of triumph. 1 address the following 
.serious expostulation to the attention of my fellow citizens, as my 
part in the service of this festive day. 

The practice of slavery, by a ])eople exulting in their own freedom, 
is a melancholy instance of Itmnan de])ravity or inconsistency, and 
shows iiow we may become recc^Mcilcd. liy custom, to the ])erpetrati()n 
of the greatest injustice. 

'I'll!' right to hold ;i ni.in or ;i woman in bondage can only arise from 
forfeiture of liberty l>y the individual so held; but it is impossible 
that this forfeiture can extend to their posterity. For example, 
should slavery. Iiy tlie will of the majority, be introduced among us 



17 

we could only put it in practice, justly, upon the persons of criminals, 
who had so forfeited their freedom, under the laws of that society 
from which we procured them, and of this fact we must obtain 
irrefragable testimony. 

Supposing any number of these wretched outcasts, of both sexes, 
to be received by us and employed on our plantations, what sort of 
claim could we set up against their children V Could the united votes 
of all the citizens in the State consign a single infant to bondage be- 
cause its parents had committed crimes and suffered the penalty? 
The child born of these parents would have the same natural rights 
with onr own children; the same indefeasible inheritance from 
nature "of life, of liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and would 
have an additional title to kindness and protection from the un- 
fortunate circumstances of his birth. What would be the course of 
justice in regard to such children? Their parents having no political 
rights, they would be received as orphans into the arms of a virtuous 
and honorable society; they would be the children of the public, and 
be treated with that tenderness to which the orphan has an irresistible 
claim from every human being with a heart uncorrupted. 

No, — fellow citizens! -all the power of the community, directed to 
this single point, could not extend the right of slavery beyond the indi- 
vidual who has forfeited his freedom by crime. With the condition 
of those societies where slavery has taken root we have here no con- 
cern. It has no legal existence here. A set of men called legislators, 
in this state or any other, have no power to give one man a title to 
the liberty of another, any more than to his life; or to doom infants 
to servitude, whatever may have been the crimes or complexion of 
their parents, any more than they have power to order them to be 
strangled at their birth; which, in fact, would be, of the two, the least 
criminal proceeding. 

Slavery, as offered to us. is a bottomless abyss of wretchedness and 
ini(piity; the inquisition is a mere puddle compared to it! Could 
you, whilst hovering on the brink, behold it in its horrors, no power 
on earth could compel you to take the plunge — there would be no need 
of arguments to restrain you. But they crowd upon me as I meditate 
on the subject and before I conclude I must add the following for 
your consideration: 

The extent of surface at present occupied by the republick, under 
the organized jurisdiction of states and territories is a little more than 
one million of square miles. It appears that slavery is tolerated over 
HoO.OOO scpiare miles and prohibited over 402,000 — thus, the extent of 
territory open to slaves is greater, by about one-fourth of the whole, 
than that from which they are excluded! 

It also appears, from the census of 1820, that there were at that 
time 5,175,080 inhabitants on the non-slcweholdiw) territory and only 
4.894,963 inhabitants, inchtding slaves, on the sldveholdiiKj territory, 
though so much more extensive! 

Yet under these circumstances, there are persons who speak of 
criieltii ill pennintj up the negroes; and propose, with the humane 

—2 A 



A CONTRIBUTION TOWARD A BIBLIOGRAPHY 



MORRIS BIRKBECK 



English Settlement in Edwards County, Illinois, Founded by Morris 
Birkbeck and George Flower, 1817-18. 



By CHARLES WESLEY SMITH. 



A CONTRIBUTION TOWARD A BIBLIOGRAPHY 



MORRIS BIRKBECK 

AND THE 

English Settlement in Edwards County, Illinois, Founded by Morris 
Birkbeck and George Flower, 1817-18. 



By CHARLES WESLEY SMITH. 



INTRODUCTION 



At the suggestion of Professor Evarts B. Greene, of the University 
of Illinois, the writer began, during the spring of 1905, an examination 
of material relating to Morris Birkbeck and the founding of the 
English settlement" in Edwards county. The present trial bibliography 
is a result of this search. It is by no means exhaustive, but it is 
hoped that its appearance at this time may serve to bring to light ad- 
ditional information and thus hasten the accumulation of material for 
a complete bibliography. 

Morris Birkbeck exerted an influence in the development of the 
American nation not likely to be overestimated. As author- emigrant, 
he attracted to the Ignited States, and particularly to Illinois, a large 
number of especially desirable English settlers. That Birkbeck 
settled in Illinois was the result of no accident. His hatred of slavery 
in any form caused him to avoid the slave states and it was his 
thorough knowledge of agriculture, combined with a keen judgment 
of values, that led him westward to the prairies. Having once de- 
cided upon a point for settlement, his ever active pen, by means of 
published accounts and personal letters, drew to him many substantial 
English farmers. In this way he hastened and to some extent guided 
the course of westward migration. 

As an anti-slavery agitator, he rendered a service equalled by few 
men of his time. Illinois had been admitted to the Union in 1818 as 
a free state, but the right to hold slaves within her bounds was 
urgently demanded. Large numbers of immigrants were coming in 
from the south and the strongest efforts were made during the first 
years of her statehood to turn Illinois into a slave state. The struggle 
took the form of a controversy over the question of a convention to 
amend the State Constitution. As an anti-conventionist, Mr. Birk- 
beck's power w-as felt and recognized throughout the state. He took 
a leading part in the newspaper debates and whether in the homely 
dispassionate logic of the "Jonathan Freeman" letters or in direct, 
forceful appeals over his own signature, he was ever earnest and con- 
vincing. The English settlers were generally opposed to the con- 
vention, so that Birkbeck's service as colonizer, no less than his skill 
as agitator, was an important factor in this critical campaign. The 
election of August 2, 1824, resulted in a victory for the anti-convention 
party and Illinois remained a free state. Without Illinois as a free 
state one would hardly wish to conjecture on the outcome of later de- 
velopments which eventually led to the war for the preservation of 
the Union. 



24 

An examination of printed sources of information shows a meager 
and inadequate literature relating to the life and anti-slavery service 
of this remarkable man. Of Birkbeck's own writings, his published 
books, though becoming comparatively rare, are nevertheless readily 
available to students who can combine the resources of several of the 
larger libraries. Unfortunately, so much cannot be said of the 
pamphlets and newspaper articles. Several of the pamphlets seem to 
be entirely lost, though there is reason to hope that they may yet be 
found. Much of the contemporaneous newspaper material, however, 
seems to be hopelessly lost. The periodical in which appeared Birk- 
beck's principal contributions, including the '"Jonathan Freeman"" 
Letters, was the Shawneetown Gazette, the issues of which are prac- 
tically all lost or destroyed. Files of the Edwardsville Spectator, 
covering more or less completely the years 1819-25, are available in 
the library of the Chicago Historical Society and in the St. Louis 
Mercantile Library^the files in the later library being the more 
complete and in an excellent state of preservation. In this news- 
paper, fortunately, can be found, besides a limited amount of original 
material, copies of articles and letters tirst printed elsewhere. Ten of 
the famous "-Freeman" letters were thus copied from the Shawnee- 
town Gazette. Birkbeck's writings combined with a wide current 
interest in the subject of emigration, caused many travelers to visit 
the English settlement, and numerous published accounts were the 
result. These descriptions, combined with English and American 
reviews of the same, give a good idea of the way in which Birkbeck 
and his Illinois settlement were regarded by contemporaries. 

In spite of several disastrous fires, !■ the Chicago Historical Society 
has in its jDOSsession some rare and interesting material, including an 
engraving of Morris Birkbeck, portraits of Mr. and Mrs. George 
Flower, and valuable letters and other manuscripts bearing upon the 
history of the English settlement. 

The writer is under special obligation to Professor Greene, of the 
University of Illinois, at whose suggestion the work was undertaken. 
Grateful ficknowledgement for valued assistance in the collection of 
material is due to Miss Caroline M. Mcllvaine, the ethcient librarian 
of the Chicago Historical Society, and to Mr. William L. R. Gitford. 
the librarian of the St. Louis Mercantile Library. I shall be grate- 
ful also to anyone who will call my attention to inaccuracies, or who 
will send additional information. Such contributions may be sent to 
me in care of the Library of the University of Washington. Seattle, 
Washington, or then' may be addressed to the Department of History, 
University of Illinois. " Charles W. Smith. 

W^averly, N. Y., July 25, 1905. 



1. The manuscript copy of CJeorpe Flower's then nnpiibhshed History of the Kntrhsh 
Settlement in Edwards County, togrether with other valuable Birkbeck material, had been 
loaned out of the city just before the great fire of 1^71. 



25 



WRITINGS OF MORRIS BIRKBECK. 



1814 — Notes on a Journey Throiig'h France, from Dieppe throug-h Paris and 
Lyons, to the Pyrenees, and back through Toulouse, in July, August 
and September. 1814, describing the habits of the people, and the 
agriculture of the country. [Edition 1.] 115 p. 8°. London, 1814. 
W. Phillips. 4s.. boards. (Copy in British Museum.) 
Same. Edition 3. 8°. London. 181.">. (Copy in British Museum.) 
Same. First American from the third London edition with an appendix. 
143+28p. 12°. Philadelphia, 181.5. Carey. (Copy examined in the 
St. Louis Mercantile Library.) 
Same. Editions. 115+33 p. apx. London, 1815. W.Phillips. (Copy 
examined in the Mason collection. Champaign, 111., Public Library.) 

Reviews. 

For reviews of Notes on a Journey Through France, see the fol- 
lowing: 

Monthly Review, January. 1815, (Poole) 76:59-66. 

"Mr. Birkbeck is a tourist of no common sort. . . . We recognize in 
him the true statistical and agricultural observer. . . . He appears to us 
to have been very diligent and fortunate in his inquiries." 
Monthly Review, April, 1815, (Poole) 76:445-47. 

Reviews favorably the appendix to the second edition. This appendix 
would seem to have been issued separately as a 23 p. pamphlet published by 
Arch & Co., 1815. 



1817 — Notes on a Jotirney in America, from the coast of Virginia to the Terri- 
tory of Illinois, with proposals for the establishment of a colony of 
English. [First American edition.] 189 p. 12°. Philadelphia, 
1817. Caleb Richardson. (Copies examined in Newberry Library of 
Chicago and Buffalo Public Library.) 
Same. [First London edition.] 144 p., map. 12°. London, 1818. 

Ridgway. (Copy in the Library of Congress.) 
Same. Second London edition. 163 p., fold. map. 8°. London. 1818. 
Ridgway. [With his Notes on a Journey Through France.] (Copy 
in Library of Congress.) 
Same. Third London edition. 103 p., fold. map. 8°. London, 1818. 
Ridgway. (Copies examined in University of Illinois Library and 
in the Mason collection. Champaign, 111., Public Library.) 
Same. Fourth London edition. 156 p.. map. London, 1818. Ridgway. 

(Copy examined in St. Louis Mercantile Library.) 
Same. Fifth London edition. 8°. 1819. (Copy in British Museum.) 
Same. Dublin edition. 158 p., fold. map. 12°. Dublin, 1818. Larkin. 
(Copy in Library of Congress. Also, copy in Illinois State Historical 
Library.) 
The Notes on a Journey in America was also published in Cork, 1818, and 
in 1819 was translated and published in Paris under the title of ''Lettres Sur 
les Nouveaux Etablissemens qui se forment dans les parties occidental des 
Etats-Unis Amerique." (See Flower-History of the English settlement in 
Edwards county, p. 92, note.) 



26 

Reviews. 
For contemporaneous reviews of Notes on Journey in America, see 

Edinburgh Review, J\ine. 1818. 30:130-40. 

•'One of the most interesting- and instructive books that have appeared for 
manj' years. . . . The author is an eye witness of everything he de- 
scribes. . . . He is content to tell what is material without tedious dis- 
sertations. . . . His matter is condensed and his style is unexceptionable." 
p. 120. 
Monthly Keview. February. 1818. 8."):146-64. 

"Though the present work professes to be only a rapid outline of the most 
striking features of the coiintry. we believe that Mr. B"s. pages convey a 
moi-e correct idea of its natural resources, and its present state of cultivation, 
than we can elsewhere obtain. . . . The style is in some parts careless, 
and in all less polished than in the -Notes on a Tour Through France.' the 
work being evidentlj' written in haste, during his journey." p. 163. 
Portfolio (Dennies"). March. 1818. (Poole) 19:206-215. 

The style of this book is uniformly neat and perspicuous. We are con- 
vinced that the author is a man of practical knowledge and that his state- 
ments maj' be received with perfect confidence." p. 21."). 
Portfolio (Bennies'). July, 1819. (Poole) 22:77. 

Quotes from a conclusfon of a review of Birkbeck's notes in "-The Scotsman."' 
which it says is in the true Tewkesbury style. -'Mr. Birkbeck says little of 
public affairs, but it is quite obvious that the Americans are far behind the 
more enlightened nations of Europe in their ideas of legislation and govern- 
ment." 
(Quarterly Review. April. 181S. 19:54-78. 

The writer of this review takes a very unfavorable view of American set- 
tlement. The book is regarded as an advertisement and Birkbeck and his 
project are held up to ridicule. 

For a recent note of evaluation see 
Larned, J. N. ed. The Literature of American History, p. 173. 

•'This is a brief and intelligent accou7it of the journey of an English 
farmer traveling from Virginia to Illinois Territory, then a frontier settle- 
ment. Birkbeck was a radical both in politics and religion and his judg- 
ments show a slight bias. He had a keen eye for a suitable place for futui-e 
settlement and. in agricultural matters, showed practical knowledge. The 
book gives a vivid picture of the difficulties attending pioneer settlement." 
From an annotation by D. R. Dewey. 



If^lf^ — Letters from Illinois . . . illustrated by a map of the I'nited States 
showing Mr. l!irkbeck"s journey from Norfolk to Illinois and a 
map of English Prairie and the adjacent coiintry by .lohn Mellish. 
[Edition Ij 154 p. Philadelphia, 1818 Cai-ey. (Title page bears 
the motto, "'Vox clamantis c deserto." Copies examined in the 
Mason collection. Champaign, 111., Public Library, and in the St. 
Louis Mercantile Library.) (Copy in Illinois State Historical 
Library.) 

Same. [Second London edition. | 15-f 114 p. 8°. London. 1818. Taylor 
and Hessey. (Copy examined in Cniversity of Illinois Library.) 
(Copy in Illinois State Historical Libi-ary. I 

Same. Edition 3. 15:114 p. >s°. London'. 1818. Taylor and Ilessey. 
I Witli MclA^od. .L Voyage of His .Majesty's Sliip .Mcesti-. . . . 
l>()ndon. 1818.) (Copy in Liljrary of Congress.) 

Same, 17-|-126 p. 24°. Boston. 1.818. Wells and Lilly. (Copy in 
Library of Congress.) 



27 

Reviews. 

For contemporaneous reviews of Letters from Illinois, see the fol- 
lowing: 

Johnson, Dr. C. B. Letters from the British settlement in Pennsylvania. 
1819, p. 128-47. 

The English settlement in Illinois is compared to the one at Montrose, Pa.. 
to the disadvantag-e of the former. Fears are expressed as to the healthful- 
ness of the settlement and Mr. Birkbeck"s aversion to religion is deplored. 
On pages 144-47 is a "'Notice of Mr. Birkbeck's Letters" taken "from the Vil- 
lage Recorder of 18th November. 1818." 
Niles Register, 1818, 15:102-3. 

Favorably reviewed. 'Written by an honest and intelligent gentleman and 
an Englishman to boot." 
North American Review. March, 181'.». 8:347-71. 

"Has considerable literary merit. . . . He is a shrewd observer, and 
writes with great ease and vivacity. As to the correctness of the accounts, 
we %vill not say that the remark which has been made upon the book, that it 
is a 'mere advertising pufp," is altogether just, but then it is certainlj* true 
that Mr. Birkbeck writes very much like an advocate." p. 347-48. 
Portfolio (Bennies'), January, 1819. (Poole) 21:72. 

A mere allusion to the Letters and to their publication in London. 
Quarterly Review, April, 1818, 19:73-78. 

A scathing criticism. The Letters are termed "'svippositious epistles" and 
"dullness" is mentioned as the chief characteristic of the book. "There is 
nothing in them that can excite the least degree of interest, except, perhaps, 
in those unfortunate persons whom he may succeed in sediicing from the land 
of theii: fathers, in order to dispose of that property, which, with all its 
cheapness, is evidently' a dead weight upon his hands." 

For a recent note of evaluation, see 

Earned. J. N. ed. The Literature of American History, p. 173. 

"An intelligent, discriminating statement by a foreigner ^who soon came to 
understand his adopted country, and did much to inspire English emigration 
into Illinois. " From an annotation bv R. G. Thwaites. 



Letter to Nathaniel Pope, dated Princeton. Jan. 1(3, 1818. 

Through Mr. Pope, delegate for Illinois Territory in Congress. 
Morris Bii-kbeck had memorialized Congress over date of Nov. 20, 
1817, for the pre-emption of a tract of land l.ying some twenty miles 
north of Wanborough for the purpose of introducing a colony of 
English farmers. Mr. Pope stated in reply that the petition was 
too vague for definite action. The letter above referred to explains 
that extension of payment and not reduction of price was solicited 
and that the size of tract desired was from 20,000 to 40.000 acres at 
the pleasure of Congress. The originals of both Mr. Pope's and Mr. 
Birkbeck's letters are on file in the library of the Chicago Historical 
Society and copies of both are to be found in Flower's History of 
the English Settlement in Edwards County, p. 81-83. For Birk- 
beck's Memorial to Congress, see his Letters from Illinois, Ed. 2, 
Letter XXII, p. 108-09. 
1819 — Extracts from a supplementary letter from the Illinois, dated Jan. 31st, 
1819: Address to British emigrants arriving in the eastern ports, 
July 13th, 1819; Reply to. William Cobbett. Esq., July 31. 1819. 29 p. 
8°. New York, 1819. C. Wiley Sc Co. (Copy examined in the Mason 
collection. Champaign, 111., Public Library.) 

Eighi blank leaves (sixteen pages) are bound in at the end of the 
volume, apparently for the use of emigrants in making notes or 
memoranda. 



28 

Same 36 p. 8°. London, 1819. Ridgway. [Hound with Notes on a 
Journey Through France, 3rd edition.] (Copy m the library ot the 
Chicago Historical Society.) 

This copy contains also the eight blank leaves at the end and con- 
tains an -Extract from a letter to a friend in Yorkshire. An ex- 
periment made by the librarian upon the ink has proven that this 
letter is not a far simile as had previously been supposed, but is 
more likely an annotation made by the owner of the book— possibly 
an emigrant. In this interesting volume is inserted also a long 
sheet of old water-marked paper on which are memoranda forming 
a rough index to Notes on a Journey in America (Copy of this 
edition, bound alone (without Notes on a Journey Ihrough France), 
in Illinois State Historical Library.) . . , , c. • ^ 

1820-Letter to Henry S. Dodge. Esq.. Secretary of the Agricultural Society, 
dated Wanborough. April 20. 1820. enclosing an address which Mi. 
B. was unable to give at the meeting of the Agricultural ^ociety 
owing to absence. See Ed^^ardsville. 111.. Spectator, June b, 1820. 

Two columns. , t-, t j * 

Letter to Hon. John Reynolds, dated Wanborough. Edwards county. 
Oct ''2 1820 See copy in Edwardsville. 111., Spectator. Nov ~8. 
1820." in regard to drainage as a means of increasing the healthful- 
ness of the country. 

i,Soi Letter dated Wanborough. May 7, 1831. t • *. 

18,1 '^etter^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^ ^ g.^ ^^^^^^ ^^^ Flower's Letters from Lexington 

and the Illinois, in Thwaites. R. G. ed.. Early Western Travels. 10: 

149-51. 



18->2-An address to the farmers of Great Britain, with an essay on the praines 
of the western country: to which is annexed the constitution of the 
State of Illinois. :>2 p. 8°. London. 1822. Ridgway Is. bd 
(Copy in British Museum; also, copy m Illinois State Historical 
Library.) 

For contemporaneous review of An Address to the Farmers of Grreat 
Britain, see 

Monthly Review. March. 1823. 181: 250-56. , , ,, i, i ^ 

Favorable The writer accounts for the hard usage that Mr. B. had re- 
ceived at the hands of liritish critics by the fact that he was a dissenter from 
the established administration of England. 



Oration delivered at Wanborough. HI., on July 4, 1^822. For text of this 
oration, see Niles Register. Oct. 5. 1822. 23: 73-..). 

At the time of giving this address. Mr Birkbeck had oeen five 
years a resident of America. He took the occasion to compare the 
adTantages of his adopted country with those of European coun- 
tries The Register comments thus: • "There is much sound sense 
and wholesome instruction in this product of a late British subject. 
1823-Appeai to the people of Illinois on the (luestion of a convention. ,.. p. 
^8°. Shawneetown. 1823. (Copy in the Boston Athenaeum ) 

A reprint of this pamphlet appeared in the Edwardsville Specta- 
tor for Oct. 1 1 and Oct. IS. 1823. U is also reprinted in this volume, 
from the original in the Hoston Atlienaeum. 
1823— "Jonatlian Freeman" Letters. . 

Durinir the month of June and later in the year. 18-3. .Mi. muw 
beck contributed a series of anti-slavery articles over the signature 
of -Jonathan Freeman.- The majority of these appeared origin- 
ally in the Shawneetown Gazette, provoking and :iiiswering a pro- 
slaVery advocate wlio signed hiin.self 'M.^hn l{.He. l^^/^^^^^^^^'^^^J^ 
were widely read and exerted no small influence in the struggle 
then being "waged to prevent the introduction ot slavery into the 



29 

state of Illinois. It is unfortunate that students of Illinois history 
(to not have access to the early files of the Shawneetown (Jazette 
• \t^ ?., ■• Jonathan Freeman" letters are to be found reprinted 

in the Ldwardsville Spectator for Nov. 1 and Nov. 8, 1828 and an 
additional letter replying- to -W. K." appears in the number for 
■ ^^u ~^l;} \ iwelve of the ••Freeman" letters, including four not 
in the Edvyard.sville Spectator, are contained in Flower's History of 
100. r Eng-lish Settlement in Edwards County, p. 210 4'i 

18.4-Letter to the editor of the Illinois (iazette, dated -Wanboroug-h. Jan. 

lii- •" <, ** ^^^^^^' ^^'^^ "' ""^P^y to o°e which had appeared in the 
Illinois (xazette for Jan. 3, signed "Americanus." For reprint see 
oinr' °''^^' °* ^^^ English Settlement in Edwards county, p. 

Letter, "to Americanus." dated "Wanborough. Feb 18 18'M 

This letter was written -For the Intelligencer."' It appeared in 
the Edwardsville Spectator for March 16, 1824. and is also to be 
found m I- lower s History of the English Settlement in Edwards 
county, p. 244-45. 
"An address to the citizens of -Illinois for the day of election, and 
woi-thy of their serious attention preparatory thereto "" 

This was printed in the Illinois Gazette just before the election 
V f^?' ~-' ^^?'^' ^^ ^^'^^ ^^^° published as a handbill and its free 
distribution is believed to have aided very materially in the defeat 
of the convention party. For copy of this address see Flower. 
1Q.>- T ./ J'T °^ ^'^^ English Settlement in Edwards County, p. 207-09 
18,..-Letter, addressed to -Fellow Citizen," appearing in the Edwardsville 
Spectator for Feb. 1, 182.5 

Mr. Birkbeck had been appointed by Governor Coles as Secretary 
of State. On the assembling of the Legislature his nomination was 
rejected by a pro-slavery senate. In this letter Mr. B. names the 
men who voted for and against his confirmation. 



MORRIS BIRKBECK AND THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT 
IN EDWARDS COUNTY, ILLINOIS. 



Biography of Morris Birkbeck. 

Berry. Dr. Daniel. 

Morris Birkbeck and His Friends. (See Illinois State Historical So- 
ciety. Transactions. 1904, p. 259-73.) 

ThroAvs light on the times of Birkbeck and emphasizes the part played 
by the itinerant preacher in the anti-convention struggle. Portrait and 
fac Kiinile of signature opposite p. 259. 
Death of Morris Birkbeck. (See Niles Register. July 9, 1825, 28:304.) 

Mr. Birkbeck was drowned while returning home from a visit to Mr 
Owen at New Harmony. 
(An) P]nglish View of Birkbeck. (See Quarterly Review. April. 1822, 27:91.) 

-Mr. Birkbeck, in fact, hunted through every shape, will always be 

found to settle at last in that of the hard-hearted, selfish, greedy 

avaricious and unprincipled land-jobber." " ' 

President of the Illinois State Agricultural Society. (See Edwardsville Snec- 

tator, Dec. 26. 1820.) 

Mr. lUrkbeck was elected first president of the Illinois State Ao^ricul- 
tural Society. " 

Reynolds. John. 

Birkbeck an Early Settler. (See his My Own Times. 1855. p. 286-87. 
Speaks of Birkbeck's services as a colonizer. Inaccuracies. 
Secretary of State. Appointment as. (See Niles Reg-ister, Nov 20 18'i4 
27:192.) & ' , ~ , 



30 



Secretary of State. Rejection. (See Edwardsville Spectator. Feb 1. 183.-J.) 

^'i letter dated Vandalia, Jan. 18. 1825, over the signature of .eo. 

Churchill speaks of the regret occasioned by the rejection of Mr. Huk- 

beck as Secretary of State. , .,, ^, v * t,'„i^ 

Secretary of State. Resolution of thanks. (See EdwardsMlle Spectator. leb. 

^'Resolution of House of Representatives thanking l\h-. Birkbeck for 
the way he had discharged his duties as Secretary of State.-Adopted 

Some l^oint^M^iTm^lSc^ 'isee Portfolio (Dennies.. (Poole. 34:445.) 
Washburne. K ^-^^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^^ Edward Coles. 1883. Use Index.) 



BIRKBECK AS ANTI-SLAY ERY AGITATOR. 



Flower, aeorge^^^^_^ Services of Morris Birkbeck. (See his History of the 
English Settlement in Edwards County. 1882. p. 197-...^6.) 
The best account available. 

Ford, Thomas. , ^ ^^,. . ,^.. _ ., , 

Morris Birkbeck. (See History of Hlmois. 1854, p. 54.) 
Ebeck mentioned as a writer of liery handbills against the con- 

vention. 
^^"■^'- Birkbeck as Anti-slavery Advocate. (See his History of Negro Servi- 
tude in Illinois, 1904, p. 43, 44, 48.) 

Brief mention: Reference is made to five important newspapers in 
Illinois at the time of the anti-convention controversy and their stand 
upon the slavery question is indicated. 

^'''^'' Mo?ris Birkbeck. (See his Illinois. Historical and Statistical, 1889, 

^"^Birkbeck ^'published a pamphlet which is said to have contained the 
best arguments presented against slavery." 

"^''""'rnTi-Jlavery Agitation in Illinois. (See his History of the Rise and 
Fall of the Slave Power in America, 1878. vol. 1. p. Ib4.) 

Birkbeck mentioned in connection with the attempt to introduce 
slavery into Illinois. 



THE ENGLISH SETTLEMENT IN ED^YARDS COINT\. 

ILLINOIS FOUNDED BY MORRIS BIRKBECK 

AND GEORGE FLOWER. 1817 181S. 

^^"^^"A^S?Residence in the Tnited States of America. J.ondon 1819 
In three parts. Part III. pages 4:59-C,10. containuig Mr. llulmes In 
troduct[on\o his .lournal: ^Slr. Hulmes- .lournal '-'\-. •;";-(;/ ,;,t 
in the western countries of America, in which tour he Msited .Mi. link 
^c^^Ilitlt^umt: Mr. Cobbctts letters to Mr. ^^^^'^^^^^^^^^^^ 
with that gentleman on the numenms delusions cont en lustuo 
puhlieations. entitled. Notes on a Journey m America and l^etteis 
1 ;>m Illinois." •• Mr. Cobbett accu.sed Birkbeck of ^If^^J^^^Xr i^^ 
tion and discounted the Illinois prairies ^^,* P^^^'f. ^^^'^.^^"^^'"tb!: Hirk 
review of A Years Residence, alluding to Cobbett s attack on the Biik- 



31 

beck plan of emigrating- to the prairies, see the Tickler letters in H1-...U- 
woodsEdmburgh Mag-a^i„e. September. 18.>3. Hr.HH !y m'' S)W eti s 

differ:;? Sr^ '^' ^ '-''' ^■^^•^"^^^^-- p--°^ ^^-"^^ at i:;?stTv: 

Books on American Travel. (See Edinburgh Review. July. 18'4 40-4-7 4-^ ) 

Bir^kbTck ref^ -re? toT-44o"°'^^°°^"'' "^^ ^-«"«^^ Gentl'emai" 
monites '''^"''^'^ *"• P' ■^-^<^- ^" connection with Mr. Rapp and the Har- 

Faux. W. 

AmS;?i8l'^'l?^?Jlir^''''^°^^" '^^^ ^"^ Memorable Da,s in 

Mr. Faux visited the English settlement in 1819 and his account of it 

attracted much attention in the English reviews. He seemrnot to hive 

eve? lit anhnnm-fnt t •w-'^'''^ ^^^ blemishes of his account, how- 
ever. It is an important contribution to our knowledge of the settlement 

i^or reviews of Memorable Days in America, see the followino- 
ber T8orT8l"-44^jT'i''1-xv°T"'-^^!' ''J'" 14:561-72; Monthly Reviesv. Decem- 

Sketches of America. (See his Narrative of a Journey of Five Thons 
and Miles through the Eastern and Western States of America 
^^:^r '" ''" ^'^-^^^^^"'^ ^^^°^- -^ r.etters L^ndTn! 1818; p! 

•'Mi^^Teli-oix tookof'^^^ ^^ '^' English settlement. 

Mr. tenion s book of travels, although appearing under his own name 

bv hfm'h'r' "'^^'"^ ^^1. P"bli«hed by the poet-laureate, and so woXd 
e^io^tt '^"'T^^° unfavorable turn to everything American in the 

s^t iV£5.St^f7^;;r^^^--- «^-«^' «^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^ 

aw ISSJLi" ^"^^"^--^^^ ^---- ^ec. 1818. 31:132 ff. Very little 
Fen-all, S. A. 

T^nVtPd°^/l"'*^1- A '''^''''- ^'^ ^^^"^^^^ °^ '"^i-^ Thousand Miles throuo-h the 
L nited States of America. London. 1833. p lO't-l-^ ) . '''"ou^n uie 

Speaks of Albion as a small, insignificant town."' Says that Mr Hirk 
beck IS here called the -Emperor of the Prairies." but that he' is rt- 
spected m other parts of the State. ^ 

i lower, George. 

History of the English Settlement in Edwards County Illinois 
Founded m 1817 and 1818. by Morris Birkbeck and GeoiSe Flower' 
Chicago. 1882 (Chicago Historical Society's collection. Vo° f) 
rC^^n'"'''' "^ ^""""T f >*""""a^^°° ^^'^'itten by one of the founders 
The inception and eurly history of the settlement are fully ATn and 
later developments down to the year 1860 are noted. ^ «i^en and 

r lower, Richard. 

Letters from Lexington and the Hlinois. London, 181!i 

Written while Mr. Richard Flower was journeying from Lexino-ton 

sJn. Getje Flow! ^^^"^ "^^ ''"'''''•■ '^ ^^^^^^ "' ^'^ ^^^^^^ 
Flower, Richard. 

Letters from the Illinois, 1820-1. London IS'^'^ 

''Describing the^ condition and environment'of liirkbeck's Eno-lish 
colony at Albion, Illinois. . . . Written to encourage mio-ratton an 
WeektV T> rr '^f^p' against the region made by William Cobiei^i his 
\\eekly Political Register during the year 1821." E. E Snarks in 
Earned, Literature of American History, p. 17.-,. ^-^paiks in 



* Faux, W. (An English farmer.) 



32 

(Tcrman Emig-ration in America. (See North American Review. July. 1820, 
9:1-19. 

Birkbeck"s letters referred to as having- popularized the colony at 
Harmon J', p. 1.3. 
Healthfulness of the Eng-iish Settlement. (.See Niles Regi.ster. April 15. 1820. 
18:117.) 

A statement correcting- misrepresentation as to healthfi;lness of the 
country inhabited by Mr. Birkbeck and his associates. Population of 
settlement given as about 400. 
Hodg.son. Adam. 

Birkbeck"s Illinois Settlement. (See his Letters from North America, 
written during a tour in the United States and Canada. 1824, Vol. 2, 
p. 6.5. 78. 

Unfavorable view of the settlement. vSee Monthlj^ Review. November, 
1824, (Poole) 105:245-62: also. Westminster Review, ^April. 1825. .3:469-70. 
Hulme, Thomas. 

The English Settlement in Illinois. (See his Journal of a Tour in the 
Western Countries of America. Sept. 30. 1818-Aug. 8, 1819. as reprinted 
in Thwaites ed. Eai-ly Western Travels. Vol. 10, p. 19, 47-51.) 

A generally favorable view of Birkbeck's settlement which was used, 
however, by Wm. Cobbett as a basis for an attack. 
Improvements at Albion. (See Niles Register. May 19, 1821, 20:192.) 
Johnson, Dr. C. B. 

Remarks on Birkbeck's Letters. (See his letters from the British 
settlement in Pennsylvania, 1819, p. 128-41.) 

Unfavorable view of the settlement. (See review of Johnson's letters 
in Portfolio (Bennies'). March, 1819. 21:238-47.) 
Letter regarding the settlement at Albion. (See Niles Register. Nov. 6. 1819. 
17:146-47.) 

Exti'act of a letter to the Register. Attempts to correct false impres- 
sions created by Mr. Cobbett. Mentions the public library at Albion. 
Library at Albion. (See Edwardsville Spectator. Dec. 26, 1820.) 

Refers to the establishment of a librai-y and a reading society in 
Albion. Mr. Richard Flower credited as being the founder and pro- 
moter. 

The public library at Albion was founded in 1818 and attracted the 
attention of distinguished visitors and reviewers. It was housed in 
one part of a brick building used for a market house. It was free to 
the public and was open on Sunday afternoons. Allusions to the 
library are found in several of the references elsewhere given. W. 
Faiax. in his Memorable Days, 1823. p. 269. speaks thtis: 

■-A good market house and a public library is at the end [of Albion], 
in which a kind of Unitarian worship is held on S\inday. when a ser- 
mon and the church service purified is read by any one who pleases. 
The books are donations from the Flower family and their friends in 
England. By sending donations, people become honorary members, 
and Mrs. Flower has bj' all legal means secured perpetuity to this 
institution which few expect to find in this distant wilderness." 

George Flower, in his History of the English .Settlement, p. 328-29, 
names some of the principal donors of books and mentions as draw- 
backs to the usefulness of this early collection, the character of the 
community and the absence of a fund for a salaried librarian. 
Population of the English settlement. (See Niles Register. .Ian. 27. 1821. 
19:358.) 

I'opulation of Albion is given as 700. Settlement said to be pros- 
perous. The library is mentioned. 
I'ortfolio (Dennies"). Noveniber. 1S19. (Toole) 22:434. 

The writer of 'Literary Intelligence" refers to a reviewer who. in 
the last number of the Hi-itish Review, h.ad regretted not having room 
to quote from Dr. .lohnson's letters from the Mritish settlement which 
he terms -'an exposition of the fallacious statements contained in Mr. 
liirkbeck's letters from Illinois." 



8H 

I'eck. J. M. 

p. ^ioT.)'^^"^^™''°* '''^ ^^^'""- ' ^''^ '"" <'azetteer of Illinois, od. '>. 18;i7. 
Brief notice. 
Stuart. .James 

.i^-.^'U° l^*" English Settlement. (See his Three Years in \merica 
ed :.'. Ldmburgh. 1833. vol. 2. p. 3(3:2-.;;!. 3S() 40' ) Amenca. 

l-avorable account. Mr. Stuart visited .Vlhion in Mav IS-.O twelve 
years atter its founding. He regarded IJirkbecks staimen s -vs^en 

p;!^'^;:riaS^.^'^'^^^^^ ^'-^ ^- '-' ^-" ^isinforS^i^^^:; 

^^ alsh. Robert. Jr. 

Hirkbeck-s Travels (See his Appeal from the .ludnnents of (n-e-it 
Wain Respecting the Tnited States of America. London. I Si-, p' 

Points out inconsistencies in British reviewers as illustrated by the 
various reviews of Birkbecks Travels. (For review of Walsh s Anneal 
Welbv^ldWd ^^'"°^''"* ^«--^-- I'^I^'- (Poole.) >.?;.,:r.^Jf,' "^^ 

..uJ!'''^- ? ^''''^^^ America and the Eng-lish Settlements in Illinois 

uith a winter residence in Philadelphia. London, 1821 ^"i»<-i^- 

I nfavorable. Mr. E. B. Washburne. in a note to Flowers Historv o^' 

b^t 1°^ r^K ^^'" V^™^"t. p. 319, says: -The book would seem to d^sclos^ 

that his [the author s] real object was to decrv the countr and Ss^ 

courage the emigration of the English to it. It^s w,-itten in a spirit of 

Woods'john.'"^" " ^'"' ^' '""'^ "' misrepresentation and abuse " ^ 

SeUlement''on^"tf e'p ■^^"l^'"^"*; . <^.«^ 1»« Two Years" Residence in the 

?S22. p l4i-?04.5 ' '''""''' '" """"'' Country. London. 

Favorable view. Written by a practical English farmer who came 

o Albion 111 in .June. 1820. A trustworthy account, g^i^^mnyde 

tails of actua levery-day experiences in this pioneer English let ement 

in^i!SiS:^T Voncf^;;:^ 1^22. ^^^^^r' '^^ ^"^^^^^- ^-^^ ^'^— 

week!°'"''^^'' account. Library and postothce mentioned. Twr, mails a 



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